From the President: Engaging Islam

By Dr. Chris Seiple on 03 May 2005

Today marks the 204th anniversary of the Polish Constitution. "Desiring to take advantage of the season in which Europe finds itself," the 1791 Constitution was inspired by the newly formed United States of America. This constitution was and remains a tremendous tribute to Poland's historic culture of freedom, as well as its unrelenting pursuit of justice.

Unfortunately, the Polish Constitution also reminds us that freedom and justice are threatening to those who are not elected, and that they will do whatever it takes to maintain their control. Within three years of the constitution's signing — despite a brave insurrection in 1794 — Poland was partitioned off the map of Europe by the surrounding empires of Austria-Hungary, Russia and Prussia. Poland would not receive justice until 1918 when it declared itself free in the aftermath of World War I.

Although historical analogies are always incomplete, there is at least one clear lesson: while the "season" for freedom and justice is critical, it is the context of their implementation that is imperative. If a season of change is to last more than a few months, it must take into account the powers that be, as well as respect, and move within, the regional and cultural context. Move too slow, or too fast, and the moment is gone…spring reverts to winter.

Last month I had the opportunity to attend the 2nd annual "U.S.-Islamic World Forum" in Doha, Qatar. This conference — sponsored by the Emir of Qatar and the Brookings Institution — brought together opinion and foreign policy leaders from every Muslim country in the world to engage their counterparts from the United States. Like the region and country it was held in, the conference reflected the complexity of our transitional times.

Amidst talk of a budding "Arab Spring" that has not yet bloomed, we met in Qatar, a peninsula jutting northward into the Persian Gulf from the eastern side of Saudi Arabia. It is home to 750,000 people; 80% of whom do not hold Qatari citizenship. The Al-Thani family who rules the country is orthodox Sunni, cousins to the ruling family in Saudi Arabia. With its oil and gas reserves, Qatar arguably has the highest per capita in the world (especially if you only count those who have Qatari passports).

Despite the trappings of a "typical" Middle Eastern oil state, Qatar is, comparatively, in full bloom, leading the region in political and economic openness. Like Poland, it is a small state surrounded by a region filled with much larger militaries. Unlike 18th century Poland, however, Qatar has shrewdly positioned itself as the regional headquarters of the U.S. military. It is also home to al-Jazeera, the first Arab media outlet to transcend the region, reaching past governments to ordinary Muslims. (Despite its growing pains of "yellow journalism," al-Jazeera certainly has the potential to be both free and fair.) And, unlike Saudi Arabia, women in Qatar are permitted to drive and are not required to wear the veil. The Emir's wife, Her Highness Sheikha Mouza bint Nasser Al-Misnad, spearheads a root and branch reform campaign to bring more modern education to the people of Qatar.

During his opening remarks at the conference, the Emir, His Highness Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa Al Thani, asked the United States and Islamic countries

"to arrive through dialogue at a point of transparency where any obscurity is clarified regarding the future of an unprecedented experience for political transformation that has begun and must be completed, so that the Muslim peoples, who are the prime persons concerned with reform, can be assured that their hopes will not be betrayed due to changes that might take place in the balance of interests, and that their wide expectations can no longer be rewarded with some limited cosmetic changes."¹

Put simply, Muslim countries throughout the Middle East need deep, structural change that will institutionalize the Arab yearning for justice and freedom. And while Qatar is not a perfect example of that goal, it is a practical example of that evolution. The conference itself was evidence of this reality.

If today's world didn't have the "U.S.-Islamic World Forum," it would have to be invented. Merely by existing, the conference provides a safe and creative space for world leaders to address our common problems. Because it is non-attribution, people can be more honest with one another, saying what needs to be said. It will no doubt become the "Davos" for engagement between the U.S. and Muslim countries.

Still, like Qatar and the region, the conference is a work in progress, beginning with its title. How exactly does one country engage a civilization? Does the asymmetry reveal continuing American arrogance? The term "Islamic" is also problematic. Most adherents of the faith refer to themselves as "Muslim," using "Islamic" to denote theocratic regimes. Because of its location, the conference comfortably focuses on the Muslim-Arab culture and problems of the Middle East. Islamic civilization, however, takes a rich and varied form from Senegal to Indonesia. What does the Islamic identity mean in these Muslim regions and cultures?

Strangely, but perhaps not surprisingly, such questions were not the focus of the forum. In fact, this conference generally didn't talk about religion. Despite having 9/11 as its catalyst, the conference could be summed up as a secular sanctuary for elites to discuss the good governance necessary to prevent the region from producing 19 more hijackers. And while good governance is critical, if it doesn't allow for a discussion of good theology, it is irrelevant. Only good theology will prevent another 9/11 — not global elites, not the Pentagon, not the world's intelligence communities. In other words, we cannot afford to reduce the engagement of the "Islamic World" to a secular catch-all² that does not include theology as a component for discussion. If religion has been part of the problem, it certainly must be a part of the solution.

Discussing religion in such a context is simultaneously a difficult and easy thing. It is difficult because of the secular fundamentalism that sometimes runs rampant among global elites. Convinced that modernity is the source of freedom and justice and that religion is inherently regressive, these elites look to themselves for solutions. Thinking people of faith are an oxymoron to them.

Yet there are also leaders from both the Western and Muslim worlds that look beyond themselves, to the Author of justice and freedom. These leaders necessarily have different opinions about the person of Jesus Christ, but they are all children of Abraham, possessing a worldview that is God-based. It is only here, at the level of the transcendent, that leaders — because they take their faith seriously and therefore respect the other's religion — can produce practical solutions that endure.

In 1791 there was no earthly power capable of engineering a season of change that would last in Poland. As a result, it would be two hundred more years, and several world wars later, until the last empire fell. Could history have been different if a democracy had been allowed to evolve in the heart of Europe, consistent with the culture and regional context?

Today we face an analogous moment in the history of the Muslim world. We have an opportunity, through God, to create and sustain a new season in world history, engaging and building on the best Islam has to offer throughout the Muslim world, especially in places like Qatar. It will take the best of our own faith traditions to truly respect each other's regional and cultural context. It will also be messy, requiring truth-telling, patient listening and mercy. Only then will the sons and daughters of Abraham move forward together.

Last updated 21 April 2009