From the President: Practical Steps in Northwest Frontier Province

By Dr. Chris Seiple on 01 June 2006

"If you love God and His world, you’d better know something about both."

-- Mark Amstutz, Professor of International Affairs, Wheaton College

"We love because he first loved us. Those who say, 'I love God,' and hate their brothers or sisters, are liars; for those who do not love a brother or sister whom they have seen, cannot love whom they have not seen. The commandment we have from him is this: those who love God must love heir brothers and sisters also."
-- First John 4:19-21

"What impresses me most about IGE is their willingness to live out their beliefs. If you stick to
your beliefs you will help humanity. When you follow your heart sincerely you can bring people together. With humble little efforts, big things can happen. We must go beyond the protection of minorities. We must promote the belonging of minorities. We need to put ourselves in their shoes."
-- Chief Minister Akram Khan Durrani

As IGE moves through its sixth year, two basic principles inform our strategies. We cannot love God without loving His people worldwide. Second, we cannot engage, let alone serve, global neighbors different from ourselves without first understanding them. IGE’s engagement of the Pushtun people along the Pakistan-Afghanistan border is a case study in both.

In July of 2005, Chief Minister (CM) Akram Durrani of Pakistan’s Northwest Frontier (NWFP) came to the United States at the invitation of IGE. There were many stereotypes to overcome. The CM explained to us that the average person in NWFP viewed the United States as holding the Bible in one hand and the sword in the other. This view held that since America had abandoned the region in 1989 after the Russians were defeated in Afghanistan, leaving six million refugees to overwhelm the NWFP’s socio-economic and health infrastructure, America would abandon the region again once it had captured bin Laden.

On the other hand, we understood the often held American perception that Pakistan, and especially the NWFP, was the home of a monolithic and conservative Islam that supported terrorism by aiding and abetting the Taliban and al Qaeda. During the CM’s visit to America, his first outside the Muslim world, we spent much time together. We overcame mutual stereotypes by building a relationship rooted in our common, God-based worldview. We found that our firm convictions—especially our passion for social justice—were more than enough to sustain a friendship.

At the CM’s request, we visited the NWFP in October of 2005. During this trip, we deepened our relationship with the Chief Minister and broadened our friendship with his staff and people throughout the NWFP. As a result, IGE and the CM institutionalized our relational diplomacy with a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) to holistically promote religious freedom. We also decided that IGE’s Josh White would spend the next eight months living there.

Amidst this growing friendship, IGE returned in May 2006 to further broaden the people-to-people dialogue and begin to make practical the MOU. Accordingly, we brought over a delegation of Muslim and Christian-Americans with expertise in business, development and education. Our goals were simple: 1) Demonstrate that, precisely because we take our Muslim or Christian faith seriously, we Americans care deeply for Pakistan; and 2) Develop tangible and sustainable means by which we could partner with existing NWFP initiatives that promote minorities and provide equal opportunity for all Pakistanis.

Upon arrival, we were pleased to learn that since signing the MOU, the CM had set aside land in his hometown of Bannu for a vocational center to train minorities in practical skills. We were also excited to find that a new initiative had begun called "Faith & Friends." A program of Pakistan’s World Religions Council, Faith & Friends was established to encourage dialogue between Muslims and Christians in the NWFP.

In this promising context, our delegation spent its time traveling throughout the NWFP, visiting indigenous faith-based initiatives and determining the areas of greatest need (we also spent a day in Islamabad, Pakistan’s capital, to meet with U.S. and Pakistani officials). Of particular note was our trip to Bannu, which borders Waziristan, the tribal area that provides safe-haven to the extremist forces of al Qaeda and Taliban whose military activity has significantly increased in 2006.

Because of the relationships IGE has developed, especially through Josh White’s efforts over the past seven months, we were able to have in-depth conversations with people from all walks of life, including:

• Muslim NGOs who want to be viewed as a positive force in a region that until recently viewed "NGOs" as an outside and negative influence on culture and Islam;
• Muslim political leaders in NWFP who struggle to provide for the 40% of their people who live below the poverty line;
• Government and tribal leaders from the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) who struggle
• to combat a 26% literacy rate;
• Christian church leaders who represent 0.04% of NWFP’s population of 20 million;
• Secular elites in Islamabad and Peshawar who support the benign dictatorship of President
• Pervez Musharraf because there is seemingly no alternative; and
• U.S. consulate and embassy officials in Peshawar and Islamabad, respectively, who are doing their best to reach the Pakistani public despite severe travel restrictions due to security reasons.

The picture that emerges is as clear as it is complex. To begin with, the people of NWFP and FATA (as well as the eastern regions of Afghanistan along Pakistan’s border) are overwhelmingly Pushtun. The Pushtun culture is defined by a fierce independence that has never been conquered in its 3000 years (except, on occasion, by sheer overwhelming and repressive force; e.g., Ghenghis Khan and Tamerlane). It is a culture of hospitality whose demand for honor and respect for elders was only reinforced by the arrival of Islam some 1400 years ago.

Compared to these deeply-rooted ties of ethnicity and faith, the "idea of Pakistan,"¹ is a distant competitor in shaping the identity of this region. Unfortunately, the federal government has not done enough in its nearly 60 years of existence to develop or invest in the NWFP and FATA, and thus attract the region to a broader national identity.

Today, however, the Pakistani government needs NWFP/FATA. Pakistan’s president, Pervez Musharraf, has been under intense pressure from Afghanistan and the U.S. to prove that he is tough on terrorism. Musharraf has used military force to crack down on the Taliban and al Qaeda, sending 100,000 troops into FATA, especially Waziristan. As with the U.S. and NATO operations on the Afghanistan side of the border, the result has been counterproductive. Simply, too many civilians have been killed pursuant presumably credible military targets.

This result begs some fundamental questions: Who is the Taliban? What is their relationship to al Qaeda? Why is the Pakistani Army achieving such poor results? What alternatives are there? How does IGE fit into this mix? Today along the Pakistan-Afghan border, the Taliban and al Qaeda each possess an old and new component that combined make up a coalition of the willing that has withstood all outside military action, and is growing. It now launches offensives against U.S./NATO forces in Afghanistan, as well as against the Pakistani Army in Pakistan.

The "old" Taliban are those Pushtun forces that once held power in Afghanistan and seek to return to it. The "new" Taliban are those young Pushtuns from various tribes who, not surprisingly, view U.S. and/or Pakistani military operations along the border as an invasion of their tribal realm. These deeply devout Pushtun-Muslims are not yet radicalized by militant Islam. They do not cotton, however, to foreigners in their backyard. As one Pakistani government official told us: "You can kill them but don’t insult them."

The "old" al Qaeda are those Arab Muslims who came to the region in the 1980s to fight the Russians in Afghanistan. While these "outsiders" are not generally liked by the Pushtuns, many have married into Pushtun families. They are now a part of the culture. The "new" al Qaeda are those single Muslim males who migrate to this region to fight their "jihad" against the West. These Uighurs, Uzbeks and Chechens have not been accepted in the Pushtun culture. A warm body that can carry a weapon against the invader, however, is tolerated.

Together these four elements share one thing: common hatred for the outsider who can easily be explained to an illiterate population as invader, a crusader (U.S.), or a friend to the crusader (the Pakistan Army; indeed, Musharraf is sometimes called "Busharraf" for being too closely aligned with President Bush).

The Pakistani Army has had little success against this coalition for three basic reasons. First, it is not in the Army’s self-interest to defeat the Pushtun tribes of the border region. Because of continued instability in Afghanistan—most view the downfall of the Karzai government as inevitable—some Pakistanis view the Pushtun tribes as an insurance policy. In other words, if Afghanistan becomes a failed state again, the tribal areas will serve as a natural buffer, containing the chaos of Afghanistan. (For example, most Pushtun Pakistanis supported the Taliban for one reason: the Taliban brought peace to Afghanistan; a significant point when one considers the death and destruction of the 1980s as well as the post-Soviet years).

Second, Pakistan’s army has been conventionally trained to fight India. It is not conceptually or operationally prepared to fight a counterinsurgency where there must be a comprehensive and tangible engagement of the people who support the insurgents. Third, Pakistan cannot afford to place any more troops in the region as it must always keep a watchful eye on its eastern front with India.

It is in this context that Chief Minister Durrani’s political party—whose powerbase is the conservative Pushtun-Muslim of the NWFP/FATA—is well-positioned to have influence. On our last day in Peshawar, 16 May, the CM called for a traditional council of tribal leaders (loya jirga) to address the ongoing violence in the tribal areas (which also has the potential to spread to the NWFP). It is a smart move.

A loya jirga creates a win-win for everyone. First, the rulings of a loya jirga are binding for all tribes. A jirga-decreed ceasefire would stop the violence. Second, because the tribal leaders are not pro-terrorism but pro-Pushtun, the jirga represents a chance for the tribal leaders to police its own ranks. More than likely, the jirga would soon ex-communicate the "new" al Qaeda that they don’t like anyway. Meanwhile,a jirga-decreed ceasefire would prevent the further radicalization of the "new" Taliban, who are not fighting for radical Islam but for their land. Both actions would stem the regional momentum of violence, literally limiting the size of the military force that the "old" Taliban might seek to utilize.

Finally, institutionalizing a jirga allows Musharraf to take credit for less terrorism along the border while the Chief Minister’s party enhances its own political credibility by stopping Musharraf’s crackdown—something that makes for good politics all around as next year’s elections approach.

While Americans, and especially the U.S. government, will have little to no influence over the loya jirga process, it is important to support it as a culturallyowned solution. In other words, the loya jirga is not only the most sustainable solution, it is the only one available.

We know that if action is not taken now, the situation will get worse. For example, FM radio "stations" are popping up throughout the FATA and NWFP. These radio "stations" broadcast extremist ideology to a largely illiterate population that is very angry about the innocent people that have been killed by Pakistani and/or American/NATO military forces.

The U.S. response has been to request bigger radio jamming devices instead of developing a better message. And while the U.S. embassy’s public diplomacy campaign is laudable—it is seemingly comprehensive and well-organized—that campaign has had zero impact on the public perceptions of Pushtun-Muslims. Over and over again we confronted the same stereotype: the U.S. is waging a war against Islam according to a master strategic plan that the U.S. has to take over the world. I wish I was kidding.

Given this overall context, our delegation developed a number of practical initiatives that are designed to support and expand existing programs in the NWFP. I hope that you will consider supporting initiatives in the following four areas with your prayers, ideas, and money.

1. IGE has signed an agreement with the president of the University of Science and Technology in Bannu, Dr. Asmatullah Khan, to sponsor a group of 14 students from NWFP and FATA for four years.

The group will include at least one Christian, three women and two FATA residents. They will have ongoing intensive English language training; they will be led by a faculty mentor (who will develop a curriculum on Pushtun culture, Islam and respect); they will meet twice a month to discuss their papers (publishing some of them in IGE’s Review of Faith & International Affairs Online); and participate in a travel program that exposes them to the rest of Pakistan.²

This pilot program will cost $15,000/year for four years. Jerry Dauderman, a California businessman and delegation member, has generously offered a matching gift that will provide for half of the entire program. With additional funding we will be able to fund a cohort of students each year; bring them to the United States; and, most importantly, replicate this model at the other regional universities in Kohat and Peshawar.

IGE has agreed to work with Faith & Friends, the recently established initiative of Pakistan’s World
Religions Council (WRC). Faith & Friends is the vision of the local WRC president, Qari Roohullah Madani, a former NWFP minister of social welfare and religious and minority affairs; Dr. Qibla Ayaz, the Dean of Islamic Studies at Peshawar University; and Bishop Mano of the Diocese of Peshawar. I have not met finer men in all my travels.

The vision of Faith & Friends is twofold: 1) Encourage interfaith dialogue; and 2) Enact social justice programs as an interfaith community throughout the NWFP, FATA, and, eventually, Pakistan. Toward this end they will expand their group to include Sikhs and Hindus. Chief Minister Durrani will convene an organizational conference in the first week of July to discuss establishing Faith & Friends chapters throughout the 24 districts of the NWFP and the seven agencies of the FATA. Furthermore, they will hold an international conference in January 2007 to discuss how international partners might join with them. We will provide more details on the implementation of this vision as it moves forward.

2. IGE is in discussion with Peshawar University to facilitate academic exchanges between Peshawar and U.S. universities. Partnering with Peshawar University is critical on two fronts. First, the university’s purpose is "to love and serve the entire creation of the Creator." I have met with the university’s president, Dr. Haroon Rashid, and he is absolutely committed to this vision. Second, this university of 10,000 graduate students in 26 programs is the only university in Pakistan designated as a "Center of Excellence" for interfaith issues and scholarship.

While we are exploring the programmatic possibilities of such an exchange, Dr. Qibla Ayaz has agreed to serve on the Board of Advisors to IGE’s Council on Faith and International Affairs. We are also looking into research partners for his faculty regarding minorities in NWFP. (Very little scholarly work has been done in this field.)

3. IGE was particularly impressed by the social justice programs of the Anglican Church, which has parishes throughout the NWFP, and the Muslim development NGO, "Community Empowerment," based in Bannu. Both groups, for example, are doing exciting micro-enterprise work to help lift the people out of poverty. If you would like to support these groups, please contact us and we can provide additional details and  contact information for them.

To summarize, we are engaging one of the most important and complex regions in the world according to the best of our faith, as we learn to love our neighbor in a manner that he or she understands. In less than a year, we are already seeing tangible impact that can be made sustainable with your help.

None of this would be possible, however, without the support of two key people. The first is George Russell, a philanthropist from Tacoma, Washington. I met George in the fall of 2003. He told me that he wanted to engage Islam in a new way, in a manner that demonstrated respect for, and educated Americans about, Islam. He also told me that he was not a Christian but believed in our methodology. Because of George Russell, one of the most moral men I have ever met, IGE, a Christian organization, has been funded thus far to engage a freely-elected, Islamic-political leader that no one from the U.S. government would initially talk to. This is known as visionary leadership.

The second person is the Chief Minister himself. Looking back, and understanding his political base more clearly now, it was a courageous thing for him to visit the United States at the invitation of a Christian NGO that worked for religious freedom. Ten months later—because he has used his personal honor and political position to host us and facilitate meetings in Pakistan—we are both positioned to overcome the stereotypes and provide practical solutions for the region’s people. This is also known as visionary leadership.

Because of George Russell and Akram Khan Durrani, good work is being done, work thought impossible less than a year ago. There is much still to do.

The need for this kind of relational diplomacy - of creating respectful dialogue and practical agreements at the intersection of faith, culture, security and the rule of law - was summarized powerfully by Dr. Qibla Ayaz as we closed out our trip:

"It is not for us to accomplish the task, nor is it for us to withdraw from it either…If the U.S. has the potential to lead the world, there is no need for America to command it. We must work together to make this world a better place to live in. It begins with dialogue which melts the ice…IGE is the only organization dialoguing with the true representatives of the people while addressing the roots of the issues. In working together, our motto must be that we will not get tired, nor will we give up."

Do you want to lift up the poorest of the poor? Do you want to advocate for sustainable religious freedom? Do you want to strike a blow for national security? I challenge you to do all three by coming alongside the above four efforts—by supporting us through prayer, ideas/contacts, and finances—in partnership with our Pakistani neighbors.

Warmly,

Chris

P.S. I also ask that you keep me and IGE in your prayers. I will be Vietnam’s Central and Northwest Highlands, as well as Hanoi, from 5-15 June. IGE has a similar MOU with the Vietnamese and this September we will co-sponsor with them the first-ever "Religion and Rule of Law" conference in the history of Southeast Asia.

I will then travel to Moscow and Chechnya (17-23 June) for two unprecedented conferences on Muslim minority rights and extremism that we are co-sponsoring with the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.

Relational diplomacy takes a great deal of time and staffing, and we need your support now more than ever.

Last updated 19 October 2008